Davor Marko

Srđan Barišić

Ana Dević

Kristina Ivanović

Miloš Milenković

Tijana Rečević

Nike Wentholt

This volume explores the issues of extremism and violent extremism in Serbia through research from a multitude of different interdisciplinary perspectives. The topic of violent extremism and radicalization leading to terror (VERLT) has grown as a field of policy and donor aid support, globally and in the western Balkans. This new focus has been manifest through both increased counterterrorism support as well as efforts to prevent and counter violent extremism (P-CVE)--activities which are often peacebuilding as well as democratization initiatives. The main manifestation of extremism of interest to foreign donors (and often domestic authorities) is ISIS-inspired Salafi jihadism. However, in many of the countries in the region, and in the case of Serbia, there are other forms of extremism--namely far-right nationalism, violent hooliganism, and neo-Nazi movements--that are considered to be more of a threat, particularly as they are often viewed as examples of 'normalized' political expression. In addition, these extremisms can magnify one another through a process of reciprocal radicalization and interconnected spirals of exclusion, marginalization, grievance, and perceived victimhood. This volume explores the issue as evident on the ground in Serbia in 2017 and 2018, using fresh and original research and perspectives that demonstrate that Serbia is at risk of many types of extremism, which are interconnected and can best be prevented by achieving the liberal, democratic, rights-based reforms that have remained elusive for more than two decades.

21st Century Manifestations of an Historical Challenge

Extremism and Violent Extremism in Serbia

Tarik Jusić

Manuel Puppis

Laia Castro Herrero

The agenda for transition after the demise of communism in the Western Balkans made the conversion of state radio and television into public service broadcasters a priority, converting mouthpieces of the regime into public forums in which various interests and standpoints could be shared and deliberated. There is general agreement that this endeavor has not been a success. Formally, the countries adopted the legal and institutional requirements of public service media according to European standards. The ruling political elites, however, retained their control over the public media by various means. Can this trend be reversed? Instead of being marginalized or totally manipulated, can public service media become vehicles of genuine democratization? A comparison of public service media in seven countries (Albania, Bosnia & Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo, Montenegro, North Macedonia, and Serbia) addresses these important questions.

The Future of Public Service Media in the Western Balkans

Up in the Air?

Davor Marko

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